China-India September 2025-

Nirupama Rao and Lin Minwang on the great India-China face-off
Experts debate the deep fault lines in bilateral ties – from the long-running border dispute to trust and competing narratives
(SCMP Open Dialogue) …we invited a leading Chinese scholar of South Asian affairs and a former Indian foreign secretary and ambassador to China to reflect on the deep fault lines in India-China relations. They debate whether the biggest barrier is history or politics, clash over the border, Pakistan and India’s ties with the United States, and examine whether Beijing and New Delhi can move beyond suspicion in an increasingly multipolar world.
A large section of Indian opinion still regards China as an expansionist power shaped by conflicts in 1962 and Galwan in 2020. How do you respond to that view, and what can China realistically do to change it?
Lin: Part of the reason is that the history of 1962 has become an important part of India’s national identity. Indian leaders, when explaining India’s history – or even discussing the mistakes made by Indian decision-makers at that time – have often had to describe China as an expansionist power. That is why I think it is very difficult to change this perception. Because if you want to change, you have to change all your narratives, which have been deep-rooted in the national identity narratives.
Now, we are also seeing more and more Chinese people develop negative perceptions of India. One reason is that it has become much easier for Chinese people to understand how the outside world views China. Especially after Covid-19, many Chinese internet users have found it easier to access information about how Indians perceive China.

15 August
India in U.S. crosshairs again — White House report cites countries ‘enabling’ China’s tariff evasions
The report has identified more than 40 countries associated with “elevated illegal transshipment risk”; the U.S. has named the Pune-Gujarat-Chennai belt as one of the areas enabling China
India is once again in the U.S.’ crosshairs, this time for allegedly allowing China to evade U.S. tariffs by routing its exports through the country. The latest allegations are part of a new White House report called ‘The Great Transhipment Scam’.

8 August
Why Beijing struggles to win Indian hearts and minds despite diplomatic thaw
China should use bottom-up tactics to win over the Indian public and bolster its Global South sway, scholars write
Though the relationship between the Chinese and Indian governments has been thawing, Beijing has yet to win over the Indian public as it lacked a long-term strategy and communication channels, according to Chinese researchers.
Beijing needed to find common ground by expanding its bottom-up strategies as “a matter of urgency”, Zhou Qingan, dean of Tsinghua University’s school of journalism, and Li Yiming, a research assistant at the school argued in a recent article.
In a June paper published in International Communications, a journal of the state-run China International Communication Group, Zhou and Li said improved propaganda efforts in India would support Beijing’s strategic interests in the Global South.
However, Beijing’s current strategy, which primarily relied on China’s official channels, remained “weak and lacks long-term planning”, they said, adding that cultivation of non-governmental opinion leaders was “severely inadequate”.

11 July
China-India diplomats are shaking hands, but it’s no holds barred for web users. Why?
As economic and travel links recover, digital battles threaten to undermine official efforts to repair ties six years after deadly clashes
The Chinese ambassador to India’s attempt at bridge-building has triggered a fierce nationalist backlash back home, including accusations that he has lost sight of his role.
“The ambassador seems to have forgotten his actual job,” one social media user wrote this month of Xu Feihong, arguing that the envoy’s role was to make Indians more friendly towards China – not the other way round.
Another took a xenophobic turn, accusing Xu of “letting hundreds of thousands, even millions, of Indian ‘cockroaches’ flood into China” and “polluting the country”.
In June, Xu described China-India ties as being among the “most important” bilateral relationships in the world”, saying they had moved from a “reset and fresh start” to a “new level of development”.
Yet the online outrage extends far beyond Xu’s specific comments. It reflects deep-seated frustration over Beijing’s recent diplomatic overtures to New Delhi, with Xu – as China’s public face in India – becoming a lightning rod for the public anger.

8 June
As Asia’s strategic landscape evolves, what is the Quad’s purpose?
Countries like India can’t afford to let ties with China be defined by a grouping focused on reacting to one power and lacking a broader positive vision
When foreign ministers of countries that are part of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) gathered in New Delhi last week, the agenda looked familiar: supply chain resilience, telecommunications security and maritime domain awareness. The talking points have evolved, the initiatives have multiplied and the meetings have become routine.
Asia is entering a new strategic era. However, its geopolitical debate remains stuck in the previous one. Across the region, governments are investing in new partnerships, stronger supply chains and greater military capabilities in response to China’s growing power.
Yet a more fundamental question receives far less attention: what kind of regional order are Asian countries actually trying to build? The latest Quad meeting in New Delhi brought that dilemma into sharp focus.

2025

7 September
C. Uday Bhaskar: In summit full of symbolism, China lays out vision for multipolar order
Xi and Modi pledged to be “partners, not rivals”. However, many long-festering strategic and security issues remain unresolved, and this (dragon-elephant) dance might not begin any time soon.
(SCMP Opinion) … One image from Tianjin conveyed a powerful message to the world, and the White House in particular. Xi was captured in a moment of cheerful banter with two special guests, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Such bonhomie between the dragon, bear and elephant was unexpected. India and China have had a testy relationship since the Galwan Valley clash in 2020, and Xi and Modi have not had a substantial meeting for seven years. The fact that both India and Russia are targets of Trump’s ire over their energy relationship and Washington’s inability to compel Moscow to accept a peace accord in Ukraine has not gone unnoticed. …
The surprise element at Tianjin was the bilateral meeting between Xi and Modi on the sidelines of the summit. Both leaders sounded optimistic in their statements to restore normality to a strained relationship, and the fact that the final declaration also conveyed a strong and unified message against terrorism assuaged India’s concerns to some extent.