U.S. – Africa

2026 U.S. – Africa Business Summit
December 6-9 Mauritius

11 September
Discarding an Old Map and Seeing Africa With Fresh Eyes
By Howard W. French, columnist at Foreign Policy.
The continent offers solutions to some of the West’s most vexing problems.
(Foreign Policy) … In an era when the Trump administration has repeatedly gone out of its way to signal its lack of consideration for Africa and to demean its people as well as the continent’s large diaspora, this move toward what might be called map justice seems like the sign of a dawning recognition: After more than seven decades since the start of its independence era, the continent is finally becoming a place that the rest of the world has to reckon with and, indeed, increasingly count upon.
Acknowledging Africa’s geographic size goes hand in hand with the spreading understanding of the continent’s ballooning demographic weight in the world. Somewhat predictably, politicians in the West are behind the curve, still devoting remarkably little intellectual and policy capital to what will be one of the biggest drivers of global change for the remainder of this century. In fact, what little attention they do devote to Africa is of a largely reactionary nature.

16-23 July
Top priorities for US-Africa relations in an era of great power competition: Trade, investment, critical minerals, and security
(Brookings) On July 23, the Africa Growth Initiative (AGI) at Brookings hosted a conversation with key policymakers and stakeholders on U.S.-Africa relations. The event also marked the launch of a new Brookings report, Toward a US-Africa critical minerals investment strategy: Tools, priorities, and trade-offs. The report analyzes the tools the U.S. government has at its disposal to support private investment in mining on the continent, the trade-offs of each, and recommendations for a successful U.S.-Africa investment strategy.
Toward a US-Africa critical minerals investment strategy: Tools, priorities, and trade-offs
The U.S.’ ability to secure its economic and strategic interests into the future depends on reliable access to critical mineral resources.
African countries, with significant and varied endowments of these minerals, are well positioned to partner with the U.S. on developing alternative supply chains—allowing the U.S. to reduce dependence on geopolitical rivals.
Private sector financing within the U.S. is an important advantage that can be leveraged to fund mines, processing facilities, and supportive infrastructure to strengthen these supply chains.
This report analyzes the tools the government has at its disposal to support private investment in mining on the continent, the trade-offs of each, and recommendations for a successful U.S.-Africa investment strategy.

13 July
US-Africa Week Ahead: Trump’s Africa envoy heads to West Africa as Washington courts Sahel juntas
Assistant Secretary of State Frank Garcia is travelling to Nigeria, Mali and Côte d’Ivoire for his inaugural trip to the continent, as the United States seeks to rebuild ties with the Alliance of Sahelian States.
(The Africa Report) The State Department’s new Africa chief makes his debut visit to the continent this week with a three-nation trip to West Africa.
Assistant Secretary of State Frank Garcia is slated to visit Nigeria, Côte d’Ivoire and Mali “to advance objectives that keep Americans safe, promote economic prosperity in the United States and advocate for US interests”, the State Department said on X on 10 July. The announcement came just hours after Garcia held what the department deemed a “productive call” with Malian Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop on “shared interests” in the Sahel.
The trip comes as US President Donald Trump‘s administration has been looking to rebuild ties with the Alliance of Sahelian States (AoSS) – Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso – as their Russian ally looks increasingly incapable of stemming the spread of jihadist insurgents. Garcia and Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau met with the AoSS ambassadors to the US on 1 July to “reaffirm the US’ commitment to working with the AoSS based on respect for sovereignty and advancing mutual interests.”

26 May
US Senate confirms veteran naval officer Frank Garcia as top Africa envoy
The Senate confirmation ends a long vacancy and signals a trade-focused shift in US policy towards Africa.
(Al Jazeera) Garcia, a former US Navy officer, served for 28 years. He spent approximately 15 years working with the House Intelligence Committee, focusing on African affairs and taking part in multiple visits to the continent alongside congressional delegations.
He also served as chief of staff at the National Reconnaissance Office, the US agency responsible for designing and operating intelligence satellites.
Between 2016 and 2021, he headed Via Stelle, a defence and intelligence consultancy, according to The Africa Report.
However, his profile has drawn scrutiny in some circles. Nigerian newspaper The Whistler described him as largely unknown among African policy and academic communities, noting that he has no significant published work on African affairs.
1 May
Trump’s incoming Africa hand Frank Garcia inherits gutted diplomatic corps
Thirty-seven US missions across the continent are without an ambassador as Congress confirms Frank Garcia to be Assistant Secretary of State.

25-27 February
America first, Africa second?
Patient data in exchange for dollars – US health funding deals offer desperately needed cash to African countries but at what cost?
(The Guardian) Rising anger over ‘lop-sided’ and ‘immoral’ US health funding pacts with African countries
Zimbabwe refuses to sign agreement and Kenya faces a court case over data sharing as new aid deals come under scrutiny
(Guardian) A series of bilateral health agreements being negotiated between African countries and the administration of President Donald Trump have been labelled “clearly lop-sided” and “immoral” amid growing outrage at US demands, including countries being forced to share biological resources and data.
It emerged this week that Zimbabwe had halted negotiations with the US for $350m (£258m) of health funding, saying the proposals risked undermining its sovereignty and independence.
Meanwhile, a deal with Zambia – which has been linked to a separate agreement with the US on “collaboration in the mining sector” – has yet to be finalised, with Asia Russell, director of the HIV advocacy organisation Health Gap, accusing the US of “conditioning life-saving health services on plundering the mineral wealth of the country. It’s shameless exploitation, which is immoral.”
At least 17 African countries have signed deals with the US, collectively securing $11.3bn in health aid but raising concerns over concessions made in return.
… The Trump administration is negotiating the bilateral agreements with countries as part of its America First global health strategy. The new approach follows the US dismantling what had been the flagship aid body, USAID, and pulling back from large multilateral bodies such as the World Health Organization.
The rapid push for deals is being seen as part of US manoeuvres to establish and entrench power on the continent. The deals also commit African nations to rely on US regulatory approval of new drugs and technologies before rolling them out.
US accused of ‘shameless exploitation’ over proposed Zambian health aid deal
Leaked draft of $1bn memorandum of understanding reveals mandatory targets, sharing of data, and reported access to mining concessions

13 February
Rolling Out the Trump Administration’s Global Health Agreements: What Can We Learn from Past Government-to-Government Assistance?
One year into the second Trump administration, the State Department is charting an ambitious new course for global health. The US government has signed 16 bilateral global health agreements with governments in sub-Saharan Africa, committing to shift funding directly to country systems and sharply reducing US support as partner countries commit to ramp up domestic health spending.[1]
Critical questions remain about how these agreements will be operationalized in the wake of devastating aid cuts. But the State Department’s focus on government-to-government (G2G) mechanisms comes as a welcome shift to many who’ve long argued G2G modalities offer a more sustainable model. While underused in recent decades, G2G assistance approaches are not novel.

3 February
The U.S. Is Ceding Its Africa Trade Advantage
Renewing the African Growth and Opportunity Act would protect U.S. jobs and economic power.
By Landry Signé, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, professor and executive director of Thunderbird School of Global Management’s Washington Center, and co-chair of the Regional Action Group for Africa at the World Economic Forum.
(Foreign Policy) After 25 years, the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA)—the landmark policy on U.S.-Africa trade—expired on Sept. 30, 2025. To encourage investment and trade diversification, AGOA accorded at the time of its expiration 32 sub-Saharan African countries privileged access to U.S. markets by eliminating U.S. import tariffs on more than 1,800 products. On Feb. 3, the House passed a $1.2 trillion spending package that includes reauthorization of the program until the end of the year. However, such an abbreviated extension perpetuates uncertainty and discourages sustained, long-horizon investment—underscoring the importance for a durable and predictable U.S.-Africa trade framework to achieve mutual prosperity.
From the United States’ perspective, AGOA has consistently contributed to U.S. economic and strategic interests by supporting jobs, increasing access to critical minerals, and enhancing energy security—all crucial goals for the Trump administration’s America First agenda. The State Department describes AGOA as “the cornerstone of U.S. economic engagement with the countries of sub-Saharan Africa.”

2025

8 July
Prosperity and power: Trump’s selective US-Africa summit and the race with China
Landry Signé, Senior Fellow – Global Economy and Development, Africa Growth Initiative
(Brookings) In his first major diplomatic move with Africa during his return to the White House, President Trump is set to welcome the leaders of Gabon, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mauritania, and Senegal at a three-day summit in Washington, D.C. from July 9-11. The presidents of these five countries will meet with President Trump in bilateral discussions and a working lunch. The United States has made clear that it seeks partnerships grounded in mutual economic benefit, especially in trade, investment, and critical minerals. While the emphasis might appear to be strictly economic, the summit reflects a broader strategic ambition of reasserting U.S. power and influence in a region where rivals have surged ahead.
This effort aligns with the administration’s foreign policy approach, as discussed in my “A new US-Africa blueprint for Trump amid China’s rise” policy brief. The brief recommends a transactional approach within four foreign policy goals (the “four Ps”): “[R]eclaiming leadership in global trade (prosperity), advancing American influence in a competitive world (power), strengthening regional and global stability (peace and security), and promoting core American ideals (principles).” The current administration seems to be emphasizing two of these goals in particular: Power and prosperity. Under this transactional model, prosperity and power are mutually reinforcing, with economic goals fused with geopolitical ones. By securing critical mineral access, expanding U.S. investment, and deepening bilateral trade, Washington is seeking to project influence, build alliances, and counter adversaries, making prosperity a tool of power and power a tool of prosperity.
This approach is vital at a time when China has outpaced the United States in both economic and political influence in many African countries—including those invited to the summit.
China is now among the top trading partners for the five invitees and has established a dominant position in infrastructure, extractives, and strategic sectors. Gabon, for example, supplies 22% of China’s manganese imports and signed over $4.3 billion in investment deals with the country last year. In Guinea-Bissau, China has built the country’s only highway, its key fishing port, and much of its core infrastructure. Meanwhile, the U.S. lags behind in trade and investment. According to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, in 2003, 18 African countries (35%) traded more with China than the United States. By 2023, this number jumped to 52 out of 54 African countries (97%). Across the region, China has integrated its economic statecraft with its geopolitical ambitions by securing supply chains and positioning itself as a top partner for African states. …

9 July
Presidential diplomacy: President Trump to Liberian President Joseph Boakai: “Thank you and such good English, such beautiful. Where did you learn to speak so beautifully, where? Were you educated, where? In Liberia?”
Trump Compliments Liberian President for ‘Beautiful English’
English is the official language of the West African country, which was founded in part by freed American slaves.
Trump Discusses Economic Investment With African Leaders at White House Meeting
The administration is aiming to strike deals to expand the United States’ access to critical minerals and to counter China’s rising influence in Africa.
President Trump hosted the leaders of Gabon, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mauritania and Senegal at the White House on Wednesday
(NYT) After gutting humanitarian assistance for Africa, President Trump told five leaders from the continent at the White House on Wednesday that his administration was recalibrating its policy for the region to focus on trade.
“We’re shifting from A.I.D. to trade,” Mr. Trump told the leaders of Gabon, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mauritania and Senegal, adding that his administration had recently closed the United States Agency for International Development. “We’re working tirelessly to forge new economic opportunities involving both the United States and many African nations. There’s great economic potential in Africa, like few other places.”
In many ways, the meeting crystallized the Trump administration’s conflicting approach to the continent. The president has hosted several African dignitaries at the White House in recent weeks as he seeks to strike deals that can expand the United States’ access to critical minerals and to counter China’s influence on the continent.
But Mr. Trump’s dismantling of U.S.A.I.D. has also left African countries reeling. U.S. aid to Liberia, for example, amounted to 2.6 percent of the country’s gross national income before it was cut. That was the highest percentage for any nation in the world, according to the Center for Global Development.
The president was joined in the meeting by the State Department’s senior adviser for Africa, Massad Boulos, and the architect of the president’s immigration agenda, Stephen Miller.
Mr. Trump said he was open to traveling to Africa at some point during his second term. … Despite the president’s overall optimistic tone, his administration is considering expanding a travel ban to four of the five countries represented by the leaders, according to a State Department cable last month. Only Guinea-Bissau has not been considered for a travel ban so far.